However, as a result of the western impact the sense of nationality became stronger and with the reorganization under the new Meiji government the focus of loyalties shifted to the state

However, as a result of the western impact the sense of nationality became stronger and with the reorganization under the new Meiji government the focus of loyalties shifted to the state

For this reason, according to Hobbes, the majority of people could always remain unsatisfied. Praise goes to fewer people, therefore, ultimately society is on the verge of collapse.

Unlike Hobbes, Marx does not consider a state as any summation of social benefits. Marxism emerged in the 40s of XIX century. At that time, there was an exacerbation of social and economic contradictions of capitalism that gave rise to the importance of creating a new scientific theory. Marx does not observe the union of people as an abstract model of the social contract. The (2010) is based on very practical reasoning. The scientist examines the industrial relations as a basis of the existing state. In fact, it has nothing to do with the fear or the need to be protected. The masses, which play a crucial role in the world history, do not need to create a state, but the new communist system, which will be the inevitable and logical result of the contradictions of capitalism as well as the revolutionary solutions. Unlike Hobbes, Marx examines the state not as the common good, which should be pursued, but as a relic of the past, due to the fact that it is based on the class struggle, which is a symbol of proletariat oppression. an interesting observation is the fact that Hobbes and Marx equally explore commonwealth. However, in the case of Hobbes’ (2014), it is manifested in the state creation; however, in the case of Marx – in a revolution as well as the new system establishment.

Hobbes highlights that in order to set the total capacity, people should appoint one person or a gathering of individuals to be their representatives. Every member of society must submit his or her will to the judgment of the supreme person or government to support the common interests. It means even more than a consent or consensus. It is a unity, which will be embodied in one person, as if each individual says that he or she will allow the higher governor to provide all the rights of private management in the same way while the other members can do.

Hobbes’ views stand far from Marx’s approach. Communist considers some form of agreement that has existed between a government as well as the bourgeoisie to oppress the working class. In contrast to Hobbes, Marx does not consider the chance for transferring the highest power to a single ruler. According to him, the working class must become the supreme power itself. On the one hand, these arguments echo the position of Hobbes. On another hand, Marx attributes to the concept (which according to Hobbes proclaims that society is/forms the supreme organ of power), exclusively working class and Communists who protect it.do i restate my thesis in conclusion

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The chapter (Marx & Engels, 2010) contains a brief program of transition from the capitalist social formation to the communist state by a violent dictatorship of the proletariat. According to Marx, proletariat must use its political supremacy to wrest step by step all the capital from the bourgeoisie to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of working class. Thus, the proletariat should be organized while the ruling class, and, perhaps, quickly increase the total productive forces. In the very beginning, it can be reached only by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property as well as the bourgeois production relations. However, these methods are unavoidable in the scopes of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.

Hobbes determines the creation of Leviathan while the supreme good at the social contract conclusion and conditions of the highest authority creation. It is an artificial person or a god of the earth; the supreme power forms the state’s soul, judges and officials become joints, advisers are memory; laws mean intellect and will or artificial chain, attached at one end to the sovereign’s mouth and the other – to the subjects’ ears; reward and punishment create the nerves; welfare of citizens is the power, people’s security is a purpose, civil peace means health, distemper cause disease, and civil wars lead to deaths.

the sovereign is absolute: it owns the right to issue laws, control over their observance, taxes, the appointment of officials and judges; even thought nationals are subject to the sovereign – ruler of the state determines which religion or sect is true and which will be not. However, it should be noted that Hobbes supported the private property rights of citizens and was against violence and deprivation of civil rights.

Marx has developed a totally different approach. He defends the civil right within the framework of promoting the revolutionary ideas and explanations of the class struggle. In contrast to the mystical Leviathan, he considers the very real structure of society. It should be underlined that the manifesto does not give a detailed description of ways to manage a new type of society, but it notes that a revolution should launch it. Marx stresses that after the elimination of capitalist relations, the proletariat dictatorship must be replaced by (Marx & Engels, 2010). The author notes that class distinctions should disappear, and all production must be concentrated in the hands of association of individuals, thus, the public power will lose its political character.

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In  The Misery of Silence, the author tells her miserable life in a foreign state. The story is focused on children of different nationalities, which are unified by the compulsory English language and different American cultural norms, represented by the author within the text. She tells about children and even tries to be soft speaking about childhood as is in common, besides, Kingston can not remember those times and stay calm: that hurt, which she felt during her life in foreign USA as a child, separated by her Chinese family and American unifying (oppressive simply put) culture, is still in her heart. The author can not forgive those Americans who asked her to repeat when it was difficult to understand what does she speak about. She still remembers with the thrill in her soul about those times when Japanese kids tortured her in a childish, ruthless manner. All of these problems were connected with that situation when children from different social and ethnic groups were organized in one school and those who could form the most powerful group chased and offended others. In such a situation, little Chinese girl who could not effectively communicate with anyone non-Chinese, invented her first mean, which helped her wider the borders of her peers understanding: it was humor. Humor was the instrument needed to increase Maxine’s popularity in her school: “ I drank out of a toy saucer when the water spilled out of the cup, and everybody laughed, pointing at me, so I did it some more” (Kingston 270). Another place, where she could feel herself free was Chinese school, where everyone else could understand each other and Maxine with her sister “found voice” (Kingston 271). This breath of freedom lasted every day “from 5:00 to 7:30 PM” (Kingston 271). For this reason it is not so much strange that the story about a girl who lived between two worlds is written in very oppressive and gray colors, hidden behind some author’s jokes.

Boyfriends opposites to this depressive story. The author did not live in any immigrant community; she was not tortured by contradictions between traditions and unification. Susan Toth is a romantic, soft woman who tells about her life and shows in the story a typical girl whose the most important wish is to kiss correctly because she is already 16 and has no experience needed.  This topic concerns the inner world of every reader because everyone else had some experience in this field in the beginning at everyone was 16.people who write papers for money Toth’s story is gorgeous: it contains many very beautiful and picturesque descriptions of nature, many names and details ( in such a way, the author becomes closer to a reader, and this method makes an effect of intimacy between them. The story of Toth has a structure, its logic of narration and its light, humorous atmosphere. While Kingston tries to show through her jokes some degree of a lightheartedness, of a some freedom during mentioning her childhood, it is evidently that those events left an eternal stain on her soul. Besides, Toth, whose Boyfriends, as every story in romantic style pretends to be in some degree pensive, meditative, described just happy young people whose the most difficult problem is how to kiss correctly. There is a good example of Toth’s light, optimistic manner to write prose: “we were all in a holiday mood, lazy and happy in the warm breezes that swept through the open windows” (185). These stories have many mentioned features which can be opposed; it does not change the fact of one very important common detail: in Boyfriends also is mentioned the question of misunderstanding between people. The problem is not connected with any contradictions between native and foreign language. The problem is that people just can not understand each other because the social world with its restrictions and counterbalancing mechanisms makes their lives too complicated and uncertain. The author tells that Peter, her boyfriend, could be even gay, but she could not learn it because such a question can not be stated directly. There are a few other details such of a kind: for example, when Susan, Peter and their friends danced, she “was getting a little bored” and she considered that others are too bored, but everyone else danced according to the social norms, which did not allow anyone to leave the dances in order to let others still dance. In the story by Susan Toth, there are two means to feel free: guns and cars. These two categories of things were the most precious for the boyfriends of girls described indirectly in the story. According to the text, Peter’s gun helped Susan to organize the first their dating, when she could not make it by words. “Cars were our private space, a rolling parlor, truly the only place we could relax and be ourselves… Driving gave us a feeling of freedom” (Toth 184). Cars and guns, Chinese school and little Maxine’s jokes – these are the symbols of the inner nonverbal language, which helps people to understand each other without unification, without loss of individuality.

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As for the figurative language of The Misery of Silence, the author uses many metaphors: for example, “our cigar boxes, in which we had arranged books, brushes, and an inkbox neatly” (Kingston 271). She tries in such a way to be playful, but her tone is nevertheless too serious. Kingston tries to make her story more persuasive by use of such rhetorical instruments as pathos (she appeals to readers feeling of pity, that is why either the title, which includes the word “misery”, or multiple memoirs of difficult life of Chinese immigrant in USA) and ethos ( the author shows her difficult life to a reader, and it gives her right to tell everything she wants about those times). Kingston’s attempts to make the story more readable by humor makes more oppressive effect because in such a way the author in a paradoxical manner connects ruthless deeds and innocent mind-set of children.

As for Boyfriends, the story shows many shades and details for this reason its figurative language is very rich. Toth tries to show what 16-years old girl felt, what did she speak and think about, and for this purpose she uses special words, such as “sweet-sixteen-and-never-been-kissed” (182), or as her statement that she in figurative meaning magicked Peter. With the help of mentioned details, descriptions of nature, many names and other specific features of Toth’s story, she makes an effect of intimacy between the author as well as the reader, so, the story is told in intimate tone. Toth uses pathos (she appeals to feelings of everyone who was 16 and who kissed at the first time), ethos (it is her memoir and she was the main character whenever story took place in real life) and humor (she shows these “sorrows” of a young girl in ironical manner and in such a way she appeals to the first steps of readers in the field of romantic relations).

These two stories, while the analysis shows, are very different, but also they have many common things. Both stories tell about the first steps of a girl in some symbolical system (language of People in the us or language of love) where she could not feel herself free and tried to find some place in order to save her individuality. The specifics of differences between these two stories is primarily determined by those conditions, in which the authors lived: Susan Toth lived in her native England that is why her prose is calm, beautiful and happy. Maxine Kingston lived in USA, in the family of A chinese immigrant. It is the reason why her prose is colored in gray tones. Besides, both stories tell about such a situation, whenever main character appears in some new situation and that can not resolve the problems she got from it. There is only one way: to find some place (in figurative meaning), which can protect the individuality from changeable world and from social, cultural and other kinds of oppression. In such a way, two contrary texts are united by the symbolical leitmotiv of the connection between freedom and understanding.

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There are two core values that are seen in the political culture of both Japan and China. These values include a strong tradition of group cohesiveness and a national goal which drove these countries’ leaders to reorganize their states to catch up with the western powers (Jung, 2002).The traditional value system in Japanese society prior to the Meiji Restoration is a detailed explanation. Western traditions of both Judeo- Christian and Islamic base its value orientation on the belief in a transcendent God. On the other hand, in both Chinese and Japanese societies transcendental values are lacking. Simply put, values are based upon and fused with the worldly order. These values are principally based on the maintenance and furtherance of the group (Jung, 2002). However, even though these countries share Confucian tradition, there is a difference between them.

Although a transcendental value is lacking in China, some universalistic ideas such as that of heaven clearly exist. It is  emphasized, that when the mandate of heaven changed, the government lost its legitimacy leading to a revolution (Jung, 2002). In effect, this idea was used , to justify the change of dynasty after it had taken place. However, the reality is that there was ethical and cultural provision for justification. In contrast, the idea of a change in the mandate of heaven does not exist in Japan. When the Confucian classics were introduced in Japan, this idea was carefully avoided. The Japanese imperial rule had no other source of legitimacy than the belief that it had existed from the very beginning associated with history (Lu, 2004). In this sense, the Chinese traditional value system was more universalistic while the Japanese one was more particularistic, although they both existed within the same category of immanent value orientation.

Further, although group cohesiveness was the exact same after the Meiji Restoration, how big the group changed. Under the Tokugawa shogunate the han (fief) was the major focus of loyalties (Lu, 2004). However, as a result of the western impact the sense of nationality became stronger and with the reorganization under the new Meiji government the focus of loyalties shifted to the state.  In addition, there had already been some potential for a national consciousness before the restoration. Under the Tokugawa regime there had been a network of communication and transportation throughout the nation, there had always been a vague sense of national identity (Jung, 2002). On the other hand, after the civil strife connected with the restoration, it took some time to establish more solid and politically effective sense of national identity.

One contributory factor among traditional elements in establishing national identity was mobilized to create the family-state idea. The Japanese traditions of ancestor’s worship and subordination of branch families to the main family were integrated to attain loyalty on a national scale. The imperial family was regarded as a extended family. The emperor occupied the position of the patriarch in the common main family (Charlton, 2004).  In addition a strong impetus for the establishment of the nation’s loyalty appeared after the Meiji Restoration. This was a goal formulated under the impact of the western powers’ cannons which had compelled Japan to open its doors to the world. It should be emphasized that Japan commenced rapidly on its political culture centered on a broad national consensus. Commonly, it may be simpler to deal with a national goal as a matter of policy in place of value. However, it is a different case with Japan, because of the immanent nature of value orientation as well as the strong tradition to maintain the cohesiveness within the group; once the national goal is decided, it becomes internalized in popular mind to form a part of value itself (Jung, 2002). Since the goal to gear towards and match with the western powers was considered imperative for maintenance of national liberty, this goal occupied the major place in the national value system. Moreover the lack of transcendental religion in Japan proved advantageous here. There was no importance of secularization prior to the introduction of western institution and ideas.  On the other hand, in comparison to China where transcendental religion also lacked, Japan proved more flexible in accepting western ideas. In China, partly because of its Confucian and self-image while the central empire (chung kuo), it proved more difficult to accept western ideas.

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Speaking of Confucian ethics, the difference between the two countries is related to difference in flexibility.  On the one hand, the Chinese bureaucrats were literati who passed the difficult civil service examination on the Confucian classics (Zhou, 2013). On the other hand, the Tokugawa bureaucrats who were originally samurai (warriors), assumed both civil and military responsibility. Furthermore, whereas in China the authority over military matters were primarily in the hands of the autonomous warlords,  the Tokugawa warriors were pragmatic and placed great importance on the ability to deal with any contingency. Despite their comparatively low hierarchical position under feudalism, the samurai possessed practical administrative skills as well as the ability to deal with the outside world (Zhou, 2013). Majority of them traded with Dutch traders and became increasingly influential. Once the seclusion policy was abolished and that of westernization was officially decided upon, they were able to lay the groundwork for rapid development.

Social Darwinism as one of various western ideas important in the context began to spread rapidly in Japan from the 1880s. This idea played different roles in Japan and China. The idea became popular in China when Yen Fu and others introduced the concept. Its popularity lasted much longer than in Japan (Jung, 2002). It was considered whenever country rapidly joined the ranks of the powerful in the international arena.  Chinese intellectuals who espoused this concept could not consider the weakness of the Chinese position in the world (Zhou, 2013). They argued that open competition for survival was a process that denied the weakness.

The Meiji incorporated the villages as part of prefectures in order to establish the centralized government. It explains why the Meiji leaders had established a system of local government even before they formed the national parliament (Zhou, 2013). They wanted to mitigate the escalating conflict between the government and the infant political parties emphasizing the conformity which existed in village life. Meiji leaders built up a bureaucratic structure of government which was based upon the rural communities. This was a new element introduced into Japan by the West. Although, a semi centralized form of government had already existed in the Tokugawa period, the samurai wholly had the administrative powers (Zhou, 2013). When bureaucratic organization was brought from the West together with the western legal system, the Meiji leaders wished to recruit personnel taking into account abilities in place of family background. As a result, an examination for civil officials was introduced in 1887. On the contrary, in China the old type of examination system was based on the ability to memorize Confucian classics. It therefore was more difficult to introduce western types of bureaucratic organization in China than in Japan. In both countries, a bureaucratic type of organization means a public or private organization established for a specific goal. It is made of members recruited because of their achievement in place of ascription and obedience to a set of rules centered on functional division of labor (Pekkanen & Tsai, 2006). Civil and military bureaucracies and business organizations and other indispensable elements of modern society belong to this category. Nevertheless, the introduction of such organizations is not peculiar to Japan. The precise relationship between the traditional element as well as the new social stricture is very important.  This relationship is much more dominant and continuous in Japan than in China. For instance, in Japan the family as well as the rural community were the basic units of social organizations. Simply put, the family and community, however the central government, played a centripetal role (Pekkanen & Tsai, 2006). On the contrary, in China, their function was centrifugal. There was a wider gulf between family, community and central government in China than in Japan. Additionally, in terms of shared Confucian ethics, in China filial piety was given priority over loyalty to the state or emperor while in Japan the situation was the opposite.  This difference could be attributed to various elements. The first one is the degree to which the central power penetrated down to the grass-root level.

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Traditionally, the power of central government was not thought in daily lives of ordinary Chinese people. The administrators had no real contact with the people in the community other than through the taxes collection (Charlton, 2004). In comparison, in Japan the relationship between the local rulers and peasants was very close even with psychological attachment. This was partly due to the small size of the country and better communication and transportation networks. The relationship lasted uninterrupted for several centuries. However, at the time of restoration the old han was abolished and replaced by the prefecture, an administrative unit headed by the governor appointed by the central government (Charlton, 2004). In this way, although the personal ties between the feudal lord and the rural community were eliminated, the han’s status remained. The leaders of the newly established government tried to link the central government with the traditional village so that the sense of unity and conformity could be extended to the national level. These were measures to avoid conflict between local units. In addition, there were democratic values, an overwhelming majority of them favored the democratic elections of public officials at local levels.  Therefore, it would be erroneous to say that Chinese peasants were necessarily conservative with regard to democratic culture and offered themselves as an anti-democratic force in China (Zhong, 2013).. It is worth mentioning that the level of core democratic values support was high. Additionally, policies and policy performance mattered in generating popular support and to ensure that the political systems remained legitimate. And therefore, the Chinese government had to improve its policy performance to gain support from the Chinese populace. Chinese village officials were most instrumental in implementing government policies and maintaining stability in rural China. (Zhong, 2013). There was a high degree of congruence between village cadres and ordinary villagers concerning the core democratic values and civil liberties. They were especially supportive of democratic elections. Towards the end of Meiji era, it was argued that with the stimulus of century of development dominated for a long time in Japan. Therefore, it was necessary for Japan to speed the development at a certain level so as not to suffer exhaustion (Zachmann, 2010).  With this idea, Japan’s accelerated progress gave an unquestionable advantage in international competition especially over China.   Simply put, Japan reacted to foreign stimulation much earlier than China. China and Japan differ in many ways, but the relevance to Confucianism is felt even today despite revolution and economic development. The experience with imperialism is another common theme (Zachmann, 2010). The consequences of World War II were also significant in both countries. There are two distinctive features of 20th century East Asia. One is Japans’ rapid ascendancy and pivotal role in the region. Its preeminence generated considerable interest in its approaches to economic development. On the other hand, China’s revolutionary period is receding into the past (Zachmann, 2010). World War II caused revolution in China and crushing defeat in Japan.  However, Japan rose quickly and within a generation, it challenges the West on its own terms.

In China, Confucius favored government in the hands of virtuous and trained ministers chosen with regards to their merits. Confucianism’s rationale for organizing society began with the cosmic order and its hierarchy of superior-inferior relationship (Hayes, 2012). Parents were superior to children, men to women and rulers to all subjects; each person therefore had a role to perform collectively as defined by convention, thus establishing the fixed set of social expectation. These expectations were defined by the authority, which guided individual conduct along lines of proper ceremonial behavior (Hayes, 2012). Acting on the contrary would bring disorder and discredit. This could mean to be disesteemed by the group and lead to subsequent disastrous loss of self-esteem for which the only remedy was suicide.

In contrast to the western Christian notion according to which the mankind was corruptible, Confucius held to the principle that man was perfectible. The notion that men are qualitatively different at birth was replaced by the idea that men are naturally good and now have an innate moral sense (Hoyt, 2006). In addition men is guided through the right path obtaining education and self-motivation. This ancient Chinese emphasis on the moral educability of a person has persisted to the present and still inspires the government to promote moral education. Another aspect of Confucius is a code of behavior that stresses the idea of proper conduct according to social status (li).There existed an elite made up model of a superior and noble man guided by li (Hayes, 2012). The code was less relevant to common people whose conduct was to be regulated by reward and punishment rather than by moral principles. The code was essential for the elite, who were responsible for the management of public affairs. Confucius emphasized right conduct of the ruler and those subordinate to him (Hoyt, 2006). To conduct oneself according to the rules of li in itself gave one a moral status or prestige which in turn gave influence over people. Japan and China are particularly different in terms of political culture. Even though the former is an advanced country with an open democratic capitalist regime, the latter is a newly industrialized developing country with a party-dominant authoritarian regime (Yoshimatsu, 2014). Despite such differences, the two states have significant similarities in the history of statism. The history of statism in both countries provides state policymakers with relatively high freedom to extract and direct national resources for foreign policy goals. However, political legitimacy acts as a common factor that determines the preferences of policy makers. In this case, the existing government has the legitimacy to govern the citizens (Yoshimatsu, 2014). Second, the present government depends on the perception of the public that it is legitimate. Consequently, the ruling class needs to meet demands and expectations of the public thereby convincing them that the present government has the legality to exercise and maintain power. The maintenance of political legitimacy is generally a critical issue for policymakers in a democratic political regime in both countries. It has intensively competitive party systems and strong social inputs from influential societal groups (Yoshimatsu, 2014). Even in the one-party dominant political system, policy makers are required to pay attention to the demands of the citizens. This is because positive responses to such demands guarantee continuous support and consolidate the political foundation associated with the ruling group. While the state has increased economic and social interdependence, international factors are more likely to influence the public’s economic and social well-being (Yoshimatsu, 2014). The ruling group is required to consider the impact that an external policy will have on the domestic society. For example, a trade policy to open national borders to services and goods can either benefit or ruin domestic industries. Political leaders with weak support from political and social groups are forced to adopt external policies that sometimes pose a risk to domestic resources.

Additionally, a close look at the two countries demonstrates that such leaders are not supported by the citizens in pursuing external policies.  On the contrary, they seek to take advantage of external policies and relations as a means to enhance the legitimacy of the regime (Yoshimatsu, 2014). In addition, the preferences of political legitimacy occur at two levels. At the governmental level, the government wholly seeks to maintain political legitimacy in formulating its external policy. It shapes and undertakes external policies as well as the way they will affect the domestic society and political support from the people (Yoshimatsu, 2014). Secondly, at the government agency level, individual government agencies act as the administrative organs to care about national interests in formulating external policies. Conclusively, over the past century the countries in East Asia have experienced more transformation in their political culture than other countries. This dynamism is seen especially in China and Japan. On the one hand, the political culture in Japan is largely influenced by western ideas whereas in China the efforts are directed to challenge these ideas.  China advocates the possibility of developing international norms and principles which might become alternatives to western-oriented ones. The political culture in these countries has some similarities and differences. In Japan, the political culture has adopted the western idea while China implemented the Confucianism’s principles.  Secondly, Japan is an advanced country with capitalist regime but China is a newly industrialized country with a party-dominant authoritarian regime. However, these countries share the history of statism. Secondly, the existing government is dependent on the public’s perception on its legitimacy.

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The essays “2 Mob Victims Ready to Die for Integration” and “Tear Gas and Hymns”, as well as the book Voices of Freedom are devoted to the battle for freedom. Many nations struggled to free themselves from poor and abusive governance, slavery and oppression. This paper reveals how genre affects the theme in these texts as well as the monumental volume of interviews of the different people is articulated.